Multiple dominance by default, ellipsis by necessity: An analysis of hem...hem coordination in turkish

Date

2026-2-13

Author

Köse, Engin

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This dissertation explores hem…hem ‘both…and’ coordination (HHC) in Turkish. I argue that HHC never involves small coordination (i.e., coordination of DPs) but consistently conjoins structures that are at least as big as vP. The central proposal is that the default PF-reduction mechanism is Multiple Dominance (MD), and ellipsis is employed only by necessity. Regulated by an economy principle (Citko & Gračanin-Yüksek, in press), MD is favored because it requires fewer lexical resources and operations compared to ellipsis. I demonstrate that MD successfully derives the obligatory multiple events reading, incompatibility with collective predicates, sloppy identity readings with the reflexive kendi ‘self’, cumulative agreement, and negation ambiguity. However, MD cannot account for morphological mismatches, such as non-identical case markers in suspended affixation or overt singular agreement on reflexive kendisi ‘self.3SG’ in the object position. In such cases, the grammar resorts to ellipsis to derive the surface string. Finally, I show that these two mechanisms can interact, but such mixed and matched analyses, given that they involve ellipsis, are last resort mechanisms, employed only when MD fails.

Subject Keywords

hem...hem coordination, Multiple Dominance, Ellipsis, PF-reduction, Turkish syntax

URI

https://hdl.handle.net/11511/118437

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Graduate School of Social Sciences, Thesis