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Morphosyntax of movement dependencies in Haitian Creole

Takahashi, Shoichi
Gracanın Yüksek, Martına
In Haitian Creole the lexical item ki shows up when a subject (but not an object) undergoes operator movement in wh‐questions, clefts, and relative clauses. We argue that ki is a phonological reflex of agreement between the complementizer and a wh‐phrase. More specifically, the complementizer is spelled out as ki if all its features are checked off by a single goal. We demonstrate that this is accomplished only when the operator is a subject.